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Between the rise to power of the Justice and Development Party (A. P.) in the early 2000s and the eruption of the Syrian crisis in 2011, Turkey’s “zero problems with neighbors” approach to foreign policy seemed commendable.Today, however, Ankara’s foreign policy is perhaps best described as “zero neighbors without problems.” In response to the Arab uprisings of 2011, Ankara’s projection of primarily soft power has evolved into the embrace of hard power—most notably in Iraq and Syria. Amid major setbacks and failed strategies in the volatile Middle East, the Turkish leadership has subsequently come to see Qatar as Ankara’s most trusted Arab ally.An estimated billion worth of economic support as well as gas export guarantees are forthcoming, should Moscow decide to further punish Ankara by withholding future natural gas supplies. Moreover, the Gulf Arab states share concerns about the possible decline of the G. C.’s relative perceived strategic value to America as a consequence of the thaw in relations between the United States and Iran. A., as well as Saudi-led military endeavors, are part of the attempt to redefine the region’s security architecture. K, and Turkey has seized a strategic opportunity to enter the Gulf’s evolving security landscape. Turkey’s Interests Indeed, the announcement of the Turkish-Qatari joint military base is ripe with symbolism. P., which has been determined to reassert Turkish influence in the MENA region, Turkey’s secular opposition has valued efforts to improve Ankara’s ties with the West, rather than within the tumultuous Arab world. E.’s part in reaching a rapprochement with the Turkish leadership. states, which have turned to new partners for defense purposes. Washington's retreat from its previous role as regional hegemon has created space, albeit unwanted by many of its allies, for a new security architecture in the Middle East. The new Turkish-Qatari military alliance can also be seen in the same light, but the question remains whether this will operate as a standalone axis in the region, or fall under the purview of the grand Sunni alliance envisioned by Riyadh. states are pursuing their own defense arrangements to guarantee their security for the years to come. The animosity that exists between Syria and Washington is not a result of recent policies. Syria’s recent decision to join forces with Iran is only the latest blunder. S.-Syria tensions began almost 60 years ago, when Syria elected to join the Soviet Axis during the Cold War.Rather, it is the product of a series of Syrian decisions to ally with U. In the aftermath of World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union emerged as the two strongest world powers that competed covertly and overtly for influence around the globe.To this end, Institute for Policy Studies fellow Farrah Hassen described Bush’s Syria policy as “nutty” and blames his administration for isolating Damascus.This approach takes a dangerously short view of history.

Turkey and Qatar signed two subsequent military agreements in 2012.

China’s land-reclamation projects in the South China Sea and its nautical forays into the waters of Vietnam prove that Beijing and Moscow might as well be reading from the same playbook.

Isn’t it only natural and expected that Beijing’s revisionist tendencies would also extend to the Russian Far East?

Russia’s cyber hacking, meddling in elections and fake news could be deemed acts of aggression by Nato, Britain’s most senior officer in the alliance warned yesterday.

General Sir Adrian Bradshaw said Article 5 of the Nato charter – in which an attack on one member state is an attack on all – could apply to unconventional forms of warfare.

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